Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. To get the free app, enter your mobile phone number. Would you like to tell us about a lower price? If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? Al promediar en medio del clima de fin de epoca desatado por la hiperinflacion y la virtual disolucion del poder el presidente Carlos Menem debio enfrentar el desafio de revertir la deslegitimacion en que habia caido el regimen representativo y el sistema de partidos tradicionales y lo hizo construyendo un nuevo esquema de poder. Ese esquema logro neutralizar de la peor manera posible los efectos negativos de la crisis: puso en practica una concepcion neoliberal del Estado minimo subordinado al poder economico ajena a la historia del movimiento nacional que exacerbo hasta extremos inimaginables el empobrecimiento y la fragmentacion social de los sectores populares. A la luz del fracaso de esa experiencia cuyo centro intocable era la convertibilidad Los anos de Menem explica ese proceso paradojico la revolucion conservadora que transformo sustancialmente el escenario politico por medio de las llamadas reformas estructurales. Por un lado los autores relacionan la menemizacion del p. Read more Read less.
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The "boludo" day. With little stones. Adventures of a Colombian chef, with a restaurant in Australia, passing through Buenos Aires. Stopping time. The Bible of National Rock. That is why, in Mendoza, we pay tribute to the m During the years of his glorious passage on American soil and bitter exile, pro-and counter-journali Buenos Aires - - Saturday 15 De August.
By the end of the last century, democracy or something like it had spread out from the few countries in which it had assumed its modern shape to much of the rest of the world, including most of Latin America. It did so because it seemed to work far better than any of the alternatives. For years, the English-speaking powers — first Great Britain and then the United States — were not only freer than most others, they were also richer and, when the time came, proved stronger on the battlefield. Had they been outpaced or outfought by rivals such as Nazi Germany, Communist Russia and Imperial Japan, many countries that as time went by adopted democratic institutions and, up to a point, democratic practices, would surely have continued to prefer authoritarian regimes. What is more, once it became clear that the advanced economies — which combined free-market capitalism with social welfare — made life easier for most people, a large majority decided it would be in its interest to keep them much as they were. This long period in which the democratic ideal reigned supreme in the minds of most people in the West — apart from those intellectuals who for ideological reasons favoured dictatorship — may be approaching its end. Thanks to the irruption of Donald Trump and the crazed reaction of many Democrats, the US model has lost much of its prestige and appeal. Hopes soon faded that after a few months things would somehow return to normal. The gulf separating Trump and his supporters from the leftists who are busily taking over the Democrat Party in the US is getting wider and deeper by the day. In the UK, the outlook is less dire, but unless the Eurocrats in Brussels, Berlin, Paris and elsewhere decide that on the whole it would be better not to punish the islanders too harshly for wanting to have nothing to do with their beloved project, the coming months seem certain to be unpleasantly troublesome for many Britons.